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Raver Resistances/Writing Resistances
Using Rushkoff’s exuberant—and often fairly well-informed—discussions of youth subcultures and their relationship to technology, students have the opportunity to explore youth writing, and writing about youth, as both critical representation and as intertextual and multi-dimensional representation.
One of the specific youth subcultures that Rushkoff examines and that we discuss in class is rave-culture. Most students are at least somewhat familiar with raves and rave-culture, and a handful admits to having participated in raves. Others have seen either news reports about raves, and a few have cruised through raver-oriented Websites.
In his enthusiastic discussion of rave-culture, Rushkoff aruges that
The rave is self-consciously phase-locked, and self-consciously technological. Ravers use their computers and digital recorders to create their music and design their graphics. They embrace technology for its ability to sample and recombine sounds and images from throughout cultural history, and even more for technology’s ability to forge a new global culture. Rave philosophy, as outlined on the back of a clothing label or "hang tag" (one of their main conduits for written communication) generally credits technology with promoting global community and cultural tolerance. (160)
This is a good example of how Rushkoff’s mid-nineties utopian sensibility links technology to nearly inevitable cultural change, inviting us to believe that computer networks, and the youth wired to and through them, will save us all from cultural stagnation and social desiccation.
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How do students respond? They
are often intrigued, but a little skeptical of Rushkoff’s enthusiasm. In
particular, those who have actually attended raves question the seeming
"inevitability" of "global community and cultural tolerance"
arising out of the rave experience. For instance, students report that hierarchies
in raves seem inevitable, and certain seemingly arbitrary standards of dress
and even physical attractiveness "give the lie to" a rave’s tolerant
community building. In this way, students begin critiquing their representation—and
use—by a writer.
To further the discussion and put more representations into play, we scour the Web for available sources of information about raves and rave-culture, and we invariably find a hodge-podge of information, slowly and painstakingly building a picture of what rave-culture must be like. The majority of pages we find speak positively and enthusiastically about rave-culture, such as any number of sites we found via a Web search on Google. Students frequently view the pages with a mixture of amusement and genuine interest, often commenting on the sophisticated graphics and visual rhetoric of many of the sites.
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Some of our most interesting discussions come, though, from pursuing Rushkoff’s suggested link about rave-culture--albeit in a round-about way. When we attempted to access the site listed in the appendix to Playing the Future, "http://hyperreal.com," we found the site taken over by a commercial venture—not surprising for the Web in 2002. We did find hyperreal.org, a site focusing on raver culture and "the spirit of raving," with numerous links, psuedo-philosophical and political discussions, and information about rave "etiquette." The site is, as many other raver-oriented sites, very enthusiastic about the rave experience, maintaining, for instance, that "The party becomes a spiritual ritual in which the music's machine-driven beats and transcendental sound timbres synchronize our bodies and souls to the rhythms of the universe" (spirit of raving). More specifically, through examining such sites, students steadily build a picture of rave-culture as embracing, among other things, "technoshamanism," which "explores the synergy between the mystical and the physical," using technology (such as music sampling and even artificially created drugs) to "sync" our minds and bodies to one another and induce a sensation of unity. Such "synergy" should steadily produce greater tolerance for others as we link to them, enjoying states of technologically driven bliss. To promote this philosophy, Hyperreal provides a wealth of information to inform potential ravers, not just about rave philosophy and culture, but about drug safety and other practical aspects of the rave experience. Such sentiments seem in line with Rushkoff’s appreciation of raves and their conflation of technology with greater and increasing social tolerance. |
In terms of interrogating writing's connection to ideology, examining such sites shows students the creation of counter-culture. Hyperreal is clearly a community effort, with numerous links leading to contributors’ postings detailing and debating the various uses of technology, music, drugs, and raves in furthering a sense of global unity and tolerance. In some ways, dissemination of such information could be construed as an act of resistance, questioning the dominant culture’s mistrust of drugs—and technology, for that matter—and asserting youth’s right to create its own vision of the future. More specifically, in terms of the dissemination of provocative information, Hyperreal offers extensive commentary about drug usage and links to yet other numerous sources for visitors to explore and learn. Indeed, Hyperreal is quite candid and explicit about both the prevalence of drug usage at raves and their connection to the rave experience of "synchroniz[ing] our bodies and souls to the rhythms of the universe."
| Following the emphasis on drug use, students noted that Hyperreal links to another prominent site about raves, Dancesafe.org, which describes itself as part of "a nonprofit, harm reduction organization promoting health and safety within the rave and nightclub community" (About). Dancesafe provides information about drug use, seemingly focusing on Ecstasy, but does not attempt to dissuade youth from taking drugs—hence the emphasis on "harm reduction." Rather, pointing out the failure of "Just Say No" campaigns to prevent youth from taking drugs, the goal at Dancesafe is to provide sufficient information so that youth can make informed choices. In fact, the site even cites Paulo Freire in its "philosophy" section, which maintains that Dancesafe’s "goal is to increase the ability of our peers to positively influence their own health and safety, by providing the tools and information needed to make informed decisions." | ![]() |
As we saw with Rushkoff and Hyperreal, the assumption here is that providing information will empower youth to make choices, suggesting that "being literate" is--maybe simply--having exposure to information. At the same time, there seems to be the recognition that information should be attractively and enticingly displayed, and the use of the Web as a visual tool is not ignored: Hyperreal’s section on drugs is visually sophisticated, presenting pictures of various forms of the many drugs discussed, drop down boxes providing cross references for information, and additional color-coded links. Indeed, the "Chemistry" section of Hyperreal could serve as a case study in visual rhetoric on the Web.
As such, Hyperreal utilizes the Web’s ability to link compelling visual rhetoric with shared, community writing to create a counter-cultural site, and providing it in such a sophisticated manner represents an understanding of the importance of considering the medium in crafting community-building communication forums. This links up with Rushkoff’s understanding of how youth use technologies, such as the Web. For Rushkoff, "The screenage activist assumes a certain level of intelligence on the part of the general population and seeks to disseminate information, promote networking, and provoke action in as natural a way as possible. It amounts to a restoration of arrogant, youthful optimism" (200).
What are the political implications of such a philosophy? How is such sentiment politically used? In general, there is a lot of attractive confidence and optimism here, particularly about the continued dissemination of information to affect our social, cultural, and political institutions for the better. And such thinking finds reflection in Carla Freccero’s recent theorizing about youth, popular culture, and technology:
What students have learned outside the classroom are the techniques of acquiring information from media, the technological processes that inform their production, and how to go about obtaining access to the technologies themselves—how to ‘consume’ them. This is what advanced capitalist culture successfully teaches. What the cultural studies approach to popular culture in the classroom can provide, then, is an approach to technological cultures that seeks to understand the social meanings of the representations produced by those cultures: a way, in other words, to analyze these products. The result will be not only an ‘informed consumer’ but someone who many be able to intervene to produce meanings in the language of the medium itself and intervene politically when those representations are used to support particular agendas. (4)
Rushkoff would agree too, I think. Moreover, the ravers of Hyperreal seem to use and support a variety of technologies—from the Web to consciousness-altering synthetic drugs—to support their agenda, which has its own political intervention—global tolerance—as a goal. But how resistant is this seeming counter-cultural site? And how might the seductiveness of the Hyperreal Website occlude a more critical understanding or interrogation of its claims?
introduction | critical backgrounds | youth cultures in the classroom | rave/writing resistances | media multi-dimensionality | conclusions